The author compares images of a “new woman” in the Bolshevik’s ideological narrative. The image under consideration was a part of a social project coined the “new man”. The works by Bolshevik leaders, including women (I. Armand, N. Krupskay, A. Kollontai), which conveyed certain characteristics of the ideal of a Soviet woman, were used in the study as sources. Modification of mentality, including the female one, according to V. Lenin’s plan was significant for practical reasons. It was suggested that women had to take a part in socialist building of a new society. All mentions of the need to emancipate women in his texts related to the goal of the current moment: industrial reconstruction, electrification, elimination of illiteracy, etc. Bolshevik women considered themselves as the active participants of revolutionary struggle («Proletarian of a later call»). They supposed woman had deserved the freedom by that struggle. A distinctive feature of the time was the propagandized defamilization of women, expressed in calls for liberation from domestic slavery. However, ideological attitudes were not implemented in real life. Analyzing the materials of the Ogonyok magazine, the author shows how theoretical attitudes and demonstrated practice correlated with each other. Biographies, short stories and photos published in the magazine were intended to demonstrate the effectiveness of the policy pursued. There were examples of women who made their careers as chairpersons of village councils, gubernial executive committees, etc. There were numerous publications representing the process of emancipation of the East women (mainly in the caucasus and central Asia). The novelty of the work lies in the identification of the heterogeneity of the «new woman» concept. The author proved that the formed image was influenced by personal experience and gender of the Bolshevik government representatives, while the propaganda materials in the Soviet press rather broadcast the image of a “Soviet woman,” who was not yet a mass phenomenon.

The article examines the problem of the border along the Liris as a factor that determined the confrontational nature of the Roman-Samnite relations. Special studies on this topic are still missing in both domestic and foreign historiography. However, a consistent study of the evolution of Roman-Samnite relations allows us to single out the Liris border as the main factor that determined the nature of the interaction of the parties over the course of 50 years. To confirm this thesis, we trace and analyze the main stages of the diplomatic and military solution of the territorial problem. Delimitation of spheres of influence along the Liris and the conclusion of a defensive alliance under the treaty of 354 Bc laid the foundations for further interaction between the two peoples. At the first stage in 354-343 Bc the Liris was a kind of detente factor in relations between the two sides expanding in the same direction. However, the turning point came in connection with the outbreak of the First Samnite War of 343-341 Bc, begun through the fault of Rome. In the second stage, 341-328 Bc the official nature of the relationship between the parties was determined by the peace treaty of 341 Bc, according to which a legal border was established along the Middle Liris with the concomitant refusal of the Samnites from demarcation along the Lower Liris. Despite the apparent settlement of contradictions, in fact, between the two peoples established a state of mutual mistrust, which every year acquired an increasingly pronounced character. Once again, the Liris Valley was at the center of the confrontation. All this found its expression in the diplomatic struggle of the 330s Bc, which by the beginning of the 320s Bc showed the actual superiority of the forces of Rome due to the stabilization of the militarypolitical situation near its borders, as well as due to the weakening of the Samnites after the war with Alexander of Epirus. The third stage 327-304 Bc marked the final transition of the parties to a military solution to the « Liris problem», the first step towards which, again, was made by Rome. The turning point in hostilities in 313 Bc allowed the Quirites to establish control on both sides of the Lower and Middle Liris, which was then legally enshrined in the peace treaty of 304 Bc. In the future, of course, there were still military clashes between the parties in this region, but after 304 Bc the Liris Valley ceased to play the key role in Roman-Samnite relations. The problem of the border along the Liris was finally solved in favor of Rome.

The article discusses the ways and mechanisms of the influence of the political center of the empire on the imperial outskirts. A feature of the imperial administrative system in Russia was its absolutist character. For this reason, all existing imperial state bodies that had the right to rule-making carried out delegated rulemaking, approved and allowed by the monarch. In this regard, the emperor-sovereign owned the right to create state bodies and determine their structure. At the same time, in its interaction with the outskirts, Russia never emerged as an Eastern despot with its characteristic total state regulation of public life and the desire for uniformism. Russia was a supra-ethnic community governed not by a national, but by a special civilizational monarchy, tolerant to pluralism of lifestyles, beliefs, and ethnic traditions. The political center provided provinces with imperial tools of constructive existence, and thereby contributed to their subsequent constructive life, not requiring an absolute rejection of the old tradition, but correlation with imperial identity and the principles of monarchism. Regional particularities forced the government to be especially cautious in developing the foundations for a management policy in order to avoid cooling the feelings of the Russian and indigenous inhabitants of the empire towards the metropolis. The imperial center established a certain order of interaction with each province, bringing more or less satisfaction to both sides of the communication. At the same time, universalism (like schematism and unification) in their interaction did not receive sufficient development, since it was refuted by managerial practice. Multivariance has become the pivot of the Russian border policy, which could be seen by the example of relations with Finland, Poland or the caucasus. All the right that imperial power found in the outlying territories was recognized as retaining force in view of the granted privileges. The intervention of the central government was limited by the fact that the head of the annexed lands was the Russian governor, as the supreme control body. The imperial delegate obeyed the previous institutions of the region, which continued to rule and judge according to the previous legislation. Only in the military field did the central government freely dispose in the new territories and in the financial field did the taxes established in the confirmed previous law begin to be collected in the central treasury.

The General Inspection of the Nobility was conceived by Peter the Great as a large-scale recruitment campaign for the civil service of all nobles who were not in army regiments. The Inspection was held in St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1721-1723 and ended with an audit and new appointments of about 17 thousand people to civil service and resignations. The number of people assigned to the Inspection turned out to be bigger than in the wellknown decrees. The article studies the informativeness, identification and composition of the documents of this Inspection which contained personal data. The author identified a template for writing «skazki» at the Tsar Fyodor Alekseevich’s Inspection and compared similar sources of 1681 – 1722. For the first time, the author established a relatively complete volume of «skazki», of feature «priezdy» and «doprosy». He determined the connection of «interrogations of netchiks» containing their verbal portraits with the history of the general review. Analyzing the Deployment Books of the «opredelenii», the author briefly justified the opinion about their identity to the «Lists of the military ranks». New data about the staff of the Heraldry office under Senate and the completion of the Inspection in Moscow are given. The author concludes about the active borrowing of the discharge mechanism, documentation forms in the 1720s. The Senate and the Heraldry office expanded bureaucratic administration in large-scale recruitment campaigns of the nobility and officials.

The article is devoted to the insufficiently studied issue of the creation and operation of evacuation hospitals of the All-Union central council of Trade Unions (AccTU) in the caucasian Mineral Waters (cMW) in the first year of the Great Patriotic War (1941-1942). Despite the presence of works in this subject area by such scientists as N. D. Sudavtsov, S. I. Linets, the process of formation of evacuation hospitals of the AccTU and their work in the initial period of the Great Patriotic War is not covered in as much detail as historical sources allow. The article based on archival materials and eyewitness memories shows the process of creating military medical institutions in the AccTU system under the leadership of the department of evacuation hospitals of the AccTU in the North caucasus. The numbers of the AccTU hospitals, the names of the AccTU sanatoriums that became the material base for their deployment, and their locations in the cities of Kislovodsk, Essentuki, Zheleznovodsk and Pyatigorsk are indicated, the key officials who stood at the origins of their creation are named. It is noted that in this category of hospitals, as well as in the system of the People’s commissariat of Health of the USSR, prominent doctors and scientists of the country worked, among them Professors E.Y. Kramarenko and T. E. Gnilorybov, as well as well-known German doctors Maxim Zetkin and Richard Koch, who had Soviet citizenship. It was revealed that already in the first year of operation of hospitals, specialized departments for the treatment of certain categories of wounded began to be created in them. This not only contributed to improving the effectiveness of the treatment of the wounded in hospitals, but was also important for medical science. The recently published memoirs of the surgeon of one of the evacuation hospitals of the AccTU, R. F. Akulova-Rudneva, contributed to the understanding of this. The article proves that such a lack in the organization of the work of hospitals in the cMW, as departmental disunity, played a positive role in the evacuation, which the department of evacuation hospitals of the AccTU in the North caucasus conducted more organized than the hospitals of the People’s commissariat of Health of the USSR. This was facilitated by the high level of organizational activity of the management of the department of evacuation hospitals of the AccTU.

The article is devoted to the problem of concluding the NAFTA agreement in the context of US-Mexican relations and its revision in 2018. The conclusion of the NAFTA agreement took place during the neoliberal reforms carried out in Mexico by Presidents Miguel de la Madrid (1982 – 1988), carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988 – 1994) and Ernest Zedillo (1994 – 2000), and implied the reduction of state regulation of the country’s economic sector, liberalization of banking and credit operations, as well as foreign economic sphere. Neoliberal reforms in Mexico were carried out in the spirit of the «Washington consensus» - economic policy, «economic recommendations», which the United States tried to extend to other states. During this period, branches of the American TNC «Maquiladoras» began to gain more and more weight in the economic life of Mexico. It is proved that the initial war gave an impetus to the development of production and export-oriented goods, but secured to a certain extent the dependent position of the country within the framework of the treaty. The treaty also significantly undermined the development of Mexico’s agricultural sector.
But on the other hand, the treaty promoted the economic cooperation of its participants, foreign policy contacts, and the strengthening of diplomatic and social ties. During the election campaign of the future US President D.Trump presented the agreement in the context of the desire of the United States to withdraw from the free trade zone. In the spirit of protectionism, D. Trump believed that NAFTA led to the «overflow» of American production capacities, the deindustrialization of the country’s economic sector and the growth of the surplus in trade with the United States. The firm intentions of the US president to reform the agreement resulted in the reset of NAFTA. The renewal of the USMcA agreement in 2018 strengthened the access of American companies to the Mexican market, and especially to the oil-producing sphere. The new USMCA agreement regulates a wide range of economic areas: the automotive industry, wage issues and the labor market, intellectual property and electronic commerce, financial transactions, exchange rates, dairy agricultural products and dispute resolution issues.
It is concluded that both the initial and subsequent versions of the NAFTA/USMcA agreement were more beneficial to the United States. But even for Mexico, despite the concessions made, the agreement is a factor in maintaining relations with Washington.The article is devoted to the problem of concluding the NAFTA agreement in the context of USMexican relations and its revision in 2018. It is proved that the initial version of NAFTA contributed to the recovery of Mexico from the economic crisis, but secured to a certain extent the country’s dependent position within the framework of the treaty. The renewal of the agreement in the USMcA format in 2018 strengthened the access of American companies to the Mexican market, and especially to the oil sector. It is concluded that both the initial and subsequent versions of the NAFTA/USMCA agreement were more beneficial to the United States. But for Mexico, despite the concessions made, the agreement is a factor in maintaining relations with Washington.

The article studies the participation of immigrants from Poland in the events on the Black Sea border of the Russian Empire in the 30s - 60s of the XIX century. In addition to serving in land units, the Poles were also involved in warships, took part in the protection and defense of the borders of the empire. They were subject to the same rights and obligations as other subjects of the Russian state. For their blameless service, the Poles received awards, could earn a vacation, and were punished for misconduct. They took part in various military and political events related to the consolidation of Russian influence on new frontiers, which was reflected in the documents stored in the Russian State Archives of the Navy.
A part of Polish society did not accept the loss of its statehood, and therefore there were supporters of the continuation of the armed struggle against the empire among them. In search of allies, they went to the Caucasus to support the highlanders in their confrontation with Russia. This forced the local authorities to be wary of people of Polish origin, fearing their desertion and various hostile actions. The Black Sea Fleet was no exception, the sailors of which were trying to propagate the revolutionary emissaries. But judging by the surviving data, such agitation did not receive a massive response, and the Polish sailors remained loyal to the military oath.

The article examines the history of diplomatic relations between Mali and the PRC (Public Republic of China).  The history of cooperation between the two countries in the economic and military spheres is analyzed. Numerous projects in Mali in China are described, especially in the sectors of public infrastructure, construction of administrative buildings and commercial buildings, textile and pharmaceutical industries.
China, in turn, expects to gain access to the sources of raw materials in Mali. Since Mali does not produce oil, it does not receive large investments, but the country is of interest to China as a market for its products and, possibly, as a potential source of gold production and its export to China.
The influence of the PRC on the reforms of the armed forces in the 60s of XX century., participation of the PRC in the UN mission in Mali (MINUSMA), military cooperation between the armed forces of Mali and the PRC is considered. Despite the lack of assistance in the supply of weapons, China has a positive impact on the security and well-being of Mali over the decades of cooperation between the two countries, providing assistance in the maintenance of armored vehicles, strengthening engineering and logistics capabilities, and training military personnel.
The article describes the history of diplomatic relations between Mali and the China, analyzes the history of cooperation between two countries in the economic and military spheres, assesses its current state.
The main purpose is to study the features of the establishment and development of bilateral economic and military cooperation between Mali and the PRC in historical retrospect. To study the history of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Mali and the PRC, the development of their relations in the XX and XXI centuries in the economic and military spheres. Study the imports and exports volumes, foreign direct investment, the volume of material and financial aid from the PRC to Mali. Study the influence of the PRC on the reforms of the armed forces in the 60s of the XX century, participation of the PRC in the UN mission in Mali (MINUSMA), academic cooperation between military academies and research institutes in Mali and the PRC.
This article used system-descriptive, historicalchronological and comparative methods. Mali is of interest to the PRC primarily as a market for the export of its products, while the actions of the PRC indicate that China is establishing its position in Africa and ousting the former colonial powers. China is focused on the humanitarian dimension of aid to Mali and minimized military cooperation.
Investment from China is beneficial for Mali and has a positive effect on Mali’s citizens’ general standard of living, but at the same time has led to a decrease in the number of citizens employed in the traditional sector of the economy. The PRC pursues a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of foreign countries, which has a positive effect on relations between Mali and China, ensuring the stability of their bilateral cooperation.

The article discusses the activities of the handicraft commercial cooperation in the North caucasus in the conditions of a new economic policy. The process of the formation of hand-fishing cooperation in the early 1920s is analyzed. It is characteristic of its main organizational principles and the ideas of the leadership of the Bolshevik party about the place of production cooperation in the structure of the Soviet economy. The economic activity of hand-commercial cooperation in various parts of the North caucasus is covered, its role is noted in supplying industrial enterprises, the Red Army and the population with various types of products. The measures taken by partygovernment agencies and cooperative unions involvement in the cooperation of single shutters. Low results are noted in solving this problem due to the organizational weakness and limited material means of cooperative unions, as well as the desire of single handy to preserve their independence. The class approach was emphasized who was guided by the Soviet state in the development of hand-commercial cooperation in the late 1920s. The influence of the 1920-1930s administrative-command system on the process of transformation of the hand-commercial cooperation and its final transformation into the slave element of the planning economy is shown. An assessment is given to the main results of the development of handicraft cooperation in the North caucasus in the conditions of NEP.

The article examines the activities of the Stavropol and Krasnodar branches of the Writers’ Union in the context of the new political course of 1956-1964. Based on the analysis of archival sources and materials from central and local periodicals, the author shows the specifics of the cultural policy of the party and state leadership in the context of its implementation on the ground using the example of the activities of the regional branches of the Writers’ Union.
The article analyzes in detail the material on the approach of the capital’s creative intelligentsia to the needs of regional cultural workers. In this context, the material about the holding in June 1964 in the Krasnodar Territory of the Plenum of the Board of the Writers’ Union of the RSFSR is interesting. The main issue on the agenda of the Plenum was “Problems of the modern village in the works of the writers of the Russian Federation”. Before the opening of the Plenum, in the spirit of the time when the thesis about the rapprochement of cultural workers with the life of city and village workers was popular, the guests visited collective and state farms, industrial enterprises of the region.
The author paid attention to such a problem as the subject of literary works. The article shows that practically all creative activity was subordinated to party decisions and instructions. The indispensable party duty of every writer of the agrarian region was his direct participation in the implementation of the decisions of the central committee of the cPSU, devoting his work to the progressive people of agricultural production. Thus, the party’s agrarian policy formed the basis for the works of such writers as M. Usov, A. Isakov, P. Denisenko, I. Chumak.
The article presents interesting material about the persecution of B. Pasternak in the regional organizations of writers after he was awarded the Nobel Prize for the novel Doctor Zhivago. The regional branches of the Writers’ Union were necessarily involved in these campaigns. The writers’ associations of the Kuban and Stavropol regions also contributed. The author showed how at the end of October 1958 a meeting of writers and literary activists was organized in the Stavropol branch of the Writers’ Union.
The reason for this was the article by D. Zaslavsky «The noise of reactionary propaganda around the literary weed», published in the newspaper «Pravda» on October 26. Within the framework of this article, the issue of the recognition of regional literature was raised, as evidenced by the days of Kuban culture in Moscow on April 16-17, 1961. This recognition is evidenced by the publication of the Stavropol writer S. Babaevsky in the magazine «Yunost» of his new story «Suhaya Buivola».

Military companies of mercenaries often proved their effectiveness in battle, allowing the ruler who called them to successfully resist external enemies and cope with opposition forces within the city-state. At the same time, military mercenarism gave rise to many new problems: low loyalty to the employer due to low personal interest, threats to the security of the lands in which they were hired, the presence of political ambitions of the leaders of mercenary detachments who were able to organize a coup d’etat and seize power.
The intensive displacement of the city militia by detachments of condottieri in many respects instilled anxiety among statesmen and humanists, but the outstanding Italian thinker Niccolo Machiavelli became the main «denouncer» of all the shortcomings of military mercenarism, concerned that mercenaries were the force that could destroy the communal community and the republican order: every condottiere pursued primarily his own interests, in contrast to the citizens of the city-state, who were ready to give their lives for their land.
At the same time, Niccolo Machiavelli described for his patron the many forms that mercenary units can turn into. He recalls in the form of peculiar parables what happened in the history of Greece and its individual cities, drawing attention to the present time. Describing mercenary troops and their treachery, he gives examples not only in his native Florence, but also refers to the experience of the entire Apennine peninsula.
According to him, all major cities of the state and duchies have suffered to some extent from the actions of mercenaries. And even the most loyal and eminent of them first of all looked for valor for themselves, and tried to get new privileges in the form of loyalty to lands or even a title. Florence was lucky with her mercenaries, or their goals temporarily coincided with the goals of the city-state.
Separately, he singles out a completely unusual moment, like the formation of a condottiere a duke due to a successful marriage and military prowess on the example of Francesco Sforza, who gave rise to the Sfoza dynasty, which ruled Milan for many generations, but warns his master about the changeability of fortune.
However, the point of view of the Italian humanist reflected the inconsistency of the prevailing realities, with all the dangers of mercenaryism, the Italian states could no longer do without it.

The article considers the insufficiently studied aspect of the Russian Social Democrats’ (Mensheviks) history – their activities in emigration. They represented as a very “scattered” community abroad, and, as a rule, concentrated around well-known party leaders and their periodicals. A special role was played by the Foreign Delegation of the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party (the Foreign Delegation) – the official governing body of the party abroad (1921-1951). Having admitted the transitional nature of the epoch, the Russian Social Democrats corrected the theoretical platform and tactics, and thereby contributed to the formation of the concept of democratic socialism in the Menshevik interpretation. In this connection, their activities seem to be the most significant, starting from the 1920s – 1930s and ending on the eve of the war. That’s when the Russian Social Democrats carried out intensive work to define the party platform, resolving a number of controversial issues and for the first time adopting [October 1933] the final document that provided a compromise between the various party currents among them. The world economic crisis that broke out in 1929-1933 raised the question not only about its causes, essence, consequences, but also about the tasks of social democracy in the conditions of the “international socialism” new guidelines appearance, in the development of which the Russian Mensheviks also took part. They also analyzed the nature of the “Stalinist general line” of industrialization, collectivization and the first five-year plans with a complete rejection of the “bloody ... and predatory forms” of the dictatorship regime, but at the same time highlighting the “historically positive sides” of the ongoing processes that took place.

The basis of this work is 12 letters of the Venetian Doges (lettere ducali) of the XIV-XV centuries to Ferrara from the collection of N. P. Likhachev (1862-1936), stored in the Western European Section of the Scientific and Historical Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Until the last decades of the last century, they remained practically untouched by researchers. The article involves identifying the terminology that is used in the messages to indicate the place in society of everyone who was mentioned in them, for example: civis-citizen; subditus-subject; colonus-colon, etc. Such terminology is key for lettere ducali, as documents of public nature, in contrast to private acts of this time, where it is almost not found. The study of the Doge’s letters of 1375–1437 sent to Ferrara provides a vivid illustration of the emergence of traditions of international relations in protecting the interests of their citizens. At the end of the XIII century, most citizens who did not belong to the nobility lost their political rights, but outside of Venice, Venetian citizenship did not lose its status and prestige. It should be noted, however, that the concern of the Venetian government extended not only to citizens whose interests were infringed outside the possessions of Venice, but also to those representatives of its population who did not belong to the composition of its citizenship.
The analysis of the social and legal realities revealed as a result of the study of lettere ducali can provide new material for studying the legal status of various strata of society in Northern Italy of the XIV – XV centuries – a topic that cannot be considered fully studied.

The purpose of the article was to recreate, on the basis of various sources, the history of the formation and functioning of one of the largest publishing houses of newspaper and magazine periodicals in the USSR – the State Journal and Newspaper Association (Zhurgaz) in 1931-1938. The state journal and newspaper association arose during the reorganization of the publishing business in the USSR in 1931 on the basis of the Ogonyok Mixed Joint Stock Publishing company. The structure of Zhurgaz included all the printed editions of the Ogonyok Publishing Society, as well as publications of voluntary societies and literary and political organizations. The differentiated approach of the publishing house was expressed in the release of accessible, mass publications for various categories of readers, which corresponded to the general propaganda tasks facing the press in the historical period under consideration. The study made it possible to identify the groups of periodicals of Zhurgaz: a technical group of publications, a general (political) group, a book group and a foreign group. By 1938 Zhurgaz published 33 magazines, newspapers and libraries with a total annual circulation of about 45,000,000 copies. Many publications continued to exist, and after the dissolution of Zhurgaz in 1938, they appeared in other publishing houses, becoming a brand of domestic journalism. A special place in the organizational structure of Zhurgaz was occupied by the Foreign Sector, whose functions included: attracting new periodicals in foreign languages to work with the publishing house; establishing close ties with foreign organizations and individual workers of the revolutionary press. The article also touches on the process of forming a unified system of Soviet periodicals, which went from a variety of types of publications to their gradual unification. The system of publishing houses gradually, in the course of the stateization of the press, became an integral part of the party-state apparatus, and the press acquired agitation and propaganda significance.

The presented article characterizes the complex process of confessional interaction in the Don cossack Region, which has traditionally been a contact zone for differentiated religious groups, including those representing certain areas of christian doctrine. A comprehensive study of a wide range of regional sources and the previous historiographic tradition made it possible to establish that the long-term communication practices of local confessions contributed to the consistent formation of social tolerance and conscious religious tolerance, based on the long traditions of internal democracy of the cossack communities. The tolerant environment determined the systemic development of missionary activity, carried out in various intellectual and organizational forms and involving a wide range of interested persons of various faiths. At the same time, despite the religious and confessional diversity, only Orthodoxy had an official status, which in most cases determined the standard samples of behavioral and ideological stereotypes. Orthodox priests actively used the administrative resource and social influence for the comprehensive achievement of missionary goals. An alternative interpretation of the practical activities of the Don missionaries, presented in the epistolary heritage of local Old Believers, is also of considerable interest. Special attention was paid to the epistemological features of documentary and narrative sources reflecting confessional interaction in social reality in the second half of the 19^th century. A structural analysis of the historical evidence under consideration, supplemented by comparative practices, made it possible to establish a deliberate exclusion of authentic empirical material, carried out within the framework of the author’s edition and aimed at artificially forming a positive image of an Orthodox missionary. The presented results of textual analysis, which made it possible to clearly verify the structural and content features of missionary interviews, including differentiated theological and social aspects, are also of considerable interest.

The article examines the process of functioning of the party-state nomenclature of the Soviet administrative apparatus during the modernization of the national economy. In this paper, based on the decisions of party congresses and the activities of the central committee of the CPSU (b), the process of forming the legislative framework for the successful industrialization of the national economy of the USSR is analyzed. Based on the study of party documents in the period under study, we observe the confrontation of the general policy of the CPSU (b) with the opposition at all levels of the party-state administrative apparatus, both in the center and on the ground. On the basis of archival documents, mechanisms and tools for the implementation of industrial modernization of the North Caucasus Region by the party-state nomenclature are presented. The North Caucasus region was an integral part of a large Soviet state and all the processes that took place in the country were reflected in the South of the country. However, the North Caucasus Region had a number of specific features connected with the modernization of the region. As a rule, these areas were predominantly agrarian, with poorly developed industry, a small working class, and a low cultural level of the population.
The specifics of the functioning of the local party-state administrative apparatus are revealed. The system of training the administrative apparatus within the framework of the Soviet political system has been studied, where the control bodies of the cc and RC (control commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection) purged the state apparatus of anti-Soviet elements, but the party congress indicates the participation of RC bodies in regulating the issue of promotion - the task of selecting employees in the party-state management system. Since it is the representatives of the party-state apparatus who will implement the decisions of the central government on the ground, therefore, the personnel issue had one of the highest priority values. It was precisely such tools for the selection of managerial personnel as appointment and promotion that allowed the Soviet political system to attract fresh personnel forces from the grassroots and form the party-state nomenclature on the ground. It was the personnel policy of the CPSU (b) on the formation of a new party-state asset and the activities of the partystate nomenclature that became the key to the successful industrialization of the North Caucasus Region.

The article examines the initial period of the Lib-Labism policy after the adoption in the UK of the new electoral laws of 1867-1868, which contributed to a significant increase in the electorate. Since working-class voters made up the majority in urban constituencies, the struggle for their votes has become an integral part of the electoral tactics of political parties, and the labor issue has become a permanent factor in British political life. The Liberals’ new ideas about the possibility of harmonious relations between entrepreneurs and workers in a generalized form began to be called the policy of Lib-Labism.
The author analyzes the contribution to the formation and development of the policy of Lib-Labism of the active worker of the labor movement, George Howell, who became famous in connection with the speeches for the reform of the electoral law. Since 1865, he was the fulltime secretary of the Reform League, which turned into a very influential organization with branches throughout the country. The latter circumstance contributed to the participation of representatives of the Reform League in the election campaign of 1868, which was conducted by liberals in districts where working-class voters prevailed.
The article, based on Howell’s materials from the archive of the Bishopsgate Institute in London, shows that he skillfully led his colleagues who campaigned for the support of liberal candidates. The success of the latter in the elections confirmed the prospects of Lib-Labism, and the ideas of class cooperation themselves were spread in the congress of Trade Unions, of which Howell became the released secretary. Attention is also drawn to the fact that he was regularly published in trade union publications and proved to be a consistent supporter of the policy of LibLabism. Thanks to him, at an early stage of the Lib-Labor policy, the liberals received the support of the workers.
As a result of Howell’s activity as a practical worker and organizer, the author of the article comes to the conclusion about his significant contribution to the formation of the policy of Lib-Labism.

The authors of the present paper argue that Iran’s foreign policy behavior has to be analyzed, not through the prism of “nation state” but “civilization state” if one is seeking to get it right.
Under the idea of “nation state”, the structure of the international system determines the behavior of a state. Since the nature of the international system is defined by anarchy, the neorealism mindset prescribes power accumulation to ensure survival. And offensive neorealism defines “maximization of power” and “hegemony” as the end goal of states.
But the purpose of Iran’s foreign policy is not to seek hegemony. Iran has an ancient history, a rich culture and a distinct civilization. It behaves within the framework of a “civilization state”, not a “nation state”. Iran’s influence goes beyond the border of a “nation state” because of its civilizational reach, its cultural heritage, and its historical links with modern nations in Western Asia, caucasia and central Asia. contrary to the pattern of hegemony pursued by a “nation state”, a “civilization state” focuses on cultural and human factors first. It is the flow of ‘soft power’. That’s a true way to understand Iran’s foreign policy practices.

Administrative liability as an integral part of the transport security mechanism has been an urgent topic for scientific research as the transport complex is still attractive for committing illegal acts. The present article considers the historical formation of the institution of administrative responsibility for violation of transport security. The aim of the study was to formulate proposals for the further development of this institution. The present analysis made it possible to single out the historical formation periods of the Russian legislation on transport security: 1809–1917 - the emergence of administrative legislation, non-systemic regulation of administrative, disciplinary and criminal responsibilities; 1917-1990 - the period of systematic development of the transport complex management, characterized by the administrative coercion acts codification and a significant number of executive bodies entitled to bring to administrative responsibility for offenses in the field of transport; from 1991 to the present - the formation of specialized legislation to ensure transport security, the creation of special management bodies in the field of transport security, the allocation of separate administrative structures. The author defines the goals and objectives of the legislation on administrative violations, reveals the shortcomings of scientific views on «new» types of legal liability. The author proposes creation of a comprehensive and systemic codified act provided that the legislation on administrative violations is reformed. Such a codified act would contain all the necessary measures of administrative and legal coercion, excluding quasiadministrative and other duplicate types of responsibility. This study has the possibility of practical application when making changes to the legislation on considered area of legal relations.

Insurance, including government insurance, plays an extremely important role in the modern world, ensuring the protection of individuals and legal entities from various adverse events and risks. The state and insurance have their own special functions. But two of them (social and economic) coincide. Insurance, as it were, complements the protections created by the State. In turn, the State creates legal and institutional frameworks and forms of insurance. The state also participates in the management of the insurance sector. State management of the insurance sector is carried out by both executive and representative and judicial bodies of state power through the issuance of legal acts, control and supervision, in other ways.
The system and structure of state authorities authorized in the field of insurance in the Russian Federation are composed primarily of federal bodies (both executive and legislative and judicial), as well as state authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in certain cases. At the same time, the largest role in the management of the insurance sector is played by state executive bodies represented by federal ministries and federal services. The author of the study proposes a wide approach to the interpretation of the system of state authorities authorized in the field of compulsory insurance in the Russian Federation. In particular, it is proposed to consider the executive, legislative and judicial authorities in unity and cooperation.
The executive authorities have the largest number of powers in the field of compulsory insurance. The system of executive authorities identifies those that, depending on the place in the hierarchy or their specialization, are authorized in the field of insurance.
In addition, the author proves, contrary to the established point of view, that in some cases the powers in the field of compulsory insurance are vested in the state executive authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

Extremism and terrorism have become an ever-growing threat to international peace and security over the past two decades. The series of large-scale terrorist attacks that have taken place around the world during this time represents a negative trend towards increasing the scale and brutality of global terrorism. On the territory of the People’s Republic of china (PRc), the most acute problem of terrorist and extremist manifestations is in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and Tibet.
The authors note that extremism and terrorism in the PRc are international in nature. In this connection, the country carries out active international cooperation in solving this problem, both with specific States and with various international organizations.
The article examines the legal basis of the state in the field of countering extremism and terrorism. The authors note that the legal measures taken by the PRc to combat these phenomena differ from the views of other countries. There is a certain experience of the struggle of the People’s Republic of china, and a number of successes achieved. china has developed its own system to combat extremism and terrorism. In china, much attention is paid to the implementation of pre-emptive measures aimed at preventing terrorist acts and manifestations of extremism.
The authors highlight the establishment of educational and training centers, as well as the strong work on legal education of the population, as one of the directions of china’s policy in the field of prevention of extremism and terrorism.
The authors note the importance of maintaining a balance between security and freedom of citizens in the implementation of counter-terrorism policy

The category of space, originally related to the field of scientific knowledge of philosophy, became the subject of linguistic research in the XX century after the structurallinguistic turn and the Sepir-Whorf hypothesis, which allowed expanding the possibilities of philological analysis of literary texts. Space is closely related to the understanding of time, so it is still difficult to interpret these categories without appealing to another one. There are many approaches to the definition of « space»: through chronotope, locativity, and text-forming categories; researchers understand space as a «specific system of signs», a «modeling language», and spatial metaphors. Therefore, the relevance of the work is seen in the deepening of research affecting the art space.
The article pays special attention to the typology of space in works of art. The novelty of the work is expressed in an attempt to identify and describe the linguistic features of the space of the otherworld, which was actively addressed by writers and playwrights of the Silver Age of Russian literature. This is explained by the fact that the subjective (that is, the space created by the author) has its own structure, independence, it is developed by the individual consciousness, which, in turn, is a historical consciousness with a space-time concept of an era, culture. The core of the work of the writers of the beginning of the XX century was not real life, but subjective visions and experiences, behind which the symbolists wanted to recognize the reflections of invisible fire, the radiance of mysterious worlds, meanings that could not be translated into the language of logic. Real space ceases to be real, it is a model, an imitation, a representation of the existing world in an abstract sense.
The otherworld, which in dictionaries is understood as a space opposed to the real, as the space of a literary text has different characteristics: it does not necessarily belong to the locus of the fantastic or «unreal», its main feature is to enter into an antithesis with the space in which the hero is initially located, to be different from the «real» space by a set of not only external features, but also the state of the characters moving into it.
The paper presents and describes the main linguistic units with which the space of the otherworld is verbalized in literary texts of the beginning of the XX century.

This article focuses on studying characteristics of core system-forming modules of the «Higher education» subject area terminology in the modern Russian language. The subject area is a combination of different objects, their properties and relations. Relevant information on them is needed for carrying out any given type of professional activity adequately. Monolexemic and polylexemic terms nominating different aspects of the university level educational process have been studied. The goal of this work is to study and describe the formation of the «Higher education» subject area structure. The methods applied were chosen based on the nature and defining characteristics of both the object of research and the material being studied. The base of those methods is a comprehensive analysis of empiric data, the semantic structure of the terms studied and the thematic classification technique.
Term systems are a unique means of stratification for the whole complex of scientific knowledge and its many branches, forming a distinctive cognitive continuum that preserves all known data on a given form of scientific work in symbol form.
The study findings show that «Higher education» subject area terminology is represented by a unitary integrative continuum that has major stratifying capabilities and is formed by four core system-forming modules: «Educational process participants», «Methods and techniques of education», «Education tools» and «Forms of education». Each module is a distinct unit of classification having its characteristic parameters and is a part of the terminology that is being studied. The terminological continuum of the «Higher education» subject area is characterized by its open structure. It grows and evolves constantly to meet the communicative needs of those working in this professional field.

The article actualizes the theoretical foundations that allow us to consider the predicate as the main organizing semantic element of the semantic-syntactic frame, reviews the features of the functioning of predicates within frames. The predicate should be considered both as the structural and semantic center of the sentence, and as a structure-forming element of the semantic-syntactic frame. The article also provides a rationale for the usage of the term nuclear predicate in relation to the most multi-valued components of the first level of terminals, in which the main events, states, actions of the semantic-syntactic frame are described in a general way. . The nuclear predicate is included in a macro-proposition or nuclear proposition, in which the main events, states, and actions of the semantic-syntactic frame are described in a general way.
The study of nuclear predicates is intended to supplement the understanding of the semantics of frames as the structural and semantic basis of the literary narrative.
As a part of the study, we had found that the nuclear predicate is the organizing semantic center of the frame in its semantic-syntactic representation. It is a part of the nuclear frame proposition or macro proposition and occupies the upper node (terminal) of the frame. The nuclear predicate in its semantics contains a structural description of the frame at the level of its upper terminals, since it has a standard set of valences, each of which can be considered as a slot in a certain terminal of the frame.
To achieve the maximum completeness of the description of the semantics of nuclear predicates, it is advisable to conduct it on the basis of their representation in a semantic-syntactic frame in the narrative. The idea of compiling dictionaries of frames based, among other things, on their nuclear predicates seems promising, since it is predicates that act as a natural element of the frame, linking together all its structural and semantic components.

The article examines the significant component of the semantic unity «love–indifference–hate», understood as a multilevel mental formation that lies in consciousness, language and culture. The relevance of the study is due to the important role of the concepts «love», «indifference», «hatred», acting as fundamental life guidelines of a person. The research is carried out on the material of modern defining dictionaries of the Russian language. This semantic unity contains both the semantic opposition of love and hate, and the opposition of these components and the «neutral point» – indifference. The immediate subject of research is the lexical and phraseological units of the Russian language, in meanings of which lexemes referring to the corresponding components of the semantic unity, are present. For each of the three components of the semantic unity, an assessment is made of the lexical and phraseological means of their expression, presented in the defining dictionaries. The study of this semantic unity is carried out for the first time. A conclusion is made about their asymmetry: love absolutely dominates in terms of the number of units expressing its semantics; indifference and hatred in this respect turn out to be comparable. It has been determined that nouns that concretize the object of the corresponding feeling are found in both love and hatred, but absent in indifference. Also, indifference lacks the ways of lexical expression using suffixoids, which are present in love and hate. It was revealed that the logicalsemantic oppositions of the components of the semantic unity are manifested in the lexical system of the language: it contains both the opposition love – hate and the opposition indifference – love, but there is no opposition hate – indifference.

The article contains the results of analysis of viable trajectories of optimizing the linguistic scientific workflow using contemporary applied linguistics methodology, corpus analysis methods and natural language processing techniques. The author provides practical recommendations for choosing and using modern free and open source linguistic software in various theoretical and applied linguistic studies. An extended classification of linguistic software is provided, on the basis of functionality, cross-platform compatibility, free licensing, and open source model of release. Recommendations are given for the best practices of integrating the corpus management, lexicographic, machine and computer-aided translation, and phonetic software, as well as programming languages with support for natural language processing algorithms, into the linguistic scientific workflow. General purpose software which can be used as an optimizing factor in the linguist’s workflow is also discussed. The article is topical due to the active processes of integrating digital technologies in science in the recent years, introduction of applied methods of research in the context of studies in the theory of language, and the imminent merge of theoretical and applied linguistics in a single scientific specialty according to the classification of the Russian Higher Attestation commission. The scientific novelty of the research is seen in the complex and systematic approach to the problem of analysis of the linguistic scientific workflow in the context of free and open source software which does not require commercial licensing. Another innovative element of the research is the extended definition of the term “linguistic software”, which includes not only the software meant strictly for solving problems in the sphere of studying languages and speech, but also general purpose software that can serve as an aid in preparing and editing reports containing the results of linguistic scientific research.

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The paper focuses on considering linguistic and cultural aspects of interethnic dialogue functioning in the text of an animated television series from theoretical standpoint. The empiric data is based on the American animated comedy musical television series “Animaniacs”. We make an attempt at defining wordplay as an essential component of different cultures and advocate its role in structuring interethnic communication. The wordplay functional peculiarities are specified as contributing to the achievement of the author’s intention which is pragmatically relevant for both the cultures by way of adapting it in the receiving culture.
The relevance of the study lies in the need to carry out further research of the problem of the wordplay interpretation in the receiving culture by applying means of enhancing the pragmatic effect. Wordplay as one of the most effective means of achieving the author’s intention is becoming increasingly common in the texts of films of various types. Animated comedies being one of the brightest representatives of contemporary cinema are aimed to tackle multifaceted challenges of upbringing, education, creation of spirit optimism. Being pragmatically saturated animated comedies build and develop viewer’s personality.
The given article is based on a three-pronged approach to the study of wordplay: it is considered to be a linguistic and cultural phenomenon determined by peculiarities of the language and culture in which it is created, on the other hand, it is regarded as a discursive phenomenon with high pragmatic potential which goes beyond the scope of comic impact on the recipient. Thirdly, it contributes to the communicative success in bridging distance between the actors of intercultural dialogue be making clear and transparent the intentional and emotional charge of the information to be put across from the giver to the receiver.