humanitieslawГуманитарные и юридические исследованияHumanities and law research2409-1030North-Caucasus Federal University10.37493/2409-1030.2022.2.10humanitieslaw-1155Research ArticleИСТОРИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИHISTORICAL SCIENCESСодержание избирательной борьбы в графствах Шотландии на выборах в палату общин Великобритании (1707–1832)The essence of electoral struggle in the Scottish counties during the elections to the house of commons of the United Kingdom (1707–1832)МухинМ. А.MukhinM. A.

Мухин Максим Андреевич – аспирант кафедры зарубежной истории и международных отношений института истории и международных отношений 

105/42, ул. Б. Садовая, 344006, Ростов-на-Дону

Mukhin Maksim А. – Postgraduate student, Department of World History and International Relations, Institute of History and International Relations

105/42, st. B. Sadovaya, 344006, Rostov-on-Don

mmuhin@sfedu.ruЮжный федеральный университетРоссияSouthern Federal UniversityRussian Federation20222507202292244249Copyright © Мухин М.А., 20222022Мухин М.А.Mukhin M.A.Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.https://humanitieslaw.ncfu.ru/jour/article/view/1155

В рамках статьи рассматривается содержание избирательной борьбы в парламент Великобритании в графствах Шотландии в условиях, когда набор правил, процессов, составляющих электоральную систему, был абсолютно дискредитирован. Традиционно исследователи (Р.М. Сантер, Дж. Фергюсон, А. Мердок, В. Фергюсон) акцентировали внимание на центральной роли системы патронажа и личных отношений на исход выборов в шотландских графствах. Также историки сходятся в позиции, что земельный ценз являлся причиной маленького числа избирателей, а возможность формальной передачи земельной собственности в пожизненное пользование – основанием для существования фиктивных избирателей. Однако, исследователи не акцентируют внимание на той степени, в какой распределение земельной собственности определяло содержание избирательной борьбы в различных регионах.

В основе исследования лежит источник «Взгляд на политическое состояние Шотландии в прошлом веке. Конфиденциальный отчет о политических взглядах, семейных связях и личных обстоятельствах 2662 избирателей округов в 1788 году». Упомянутый труд включает информацию обо всех избирателях и о ситуации с выборами в каждом из графств. С опорой на источник выявляется влияние распределения земельной собственности на процесс избирательной борьбы в графствах Шотландии. Указывается, что величина и число поместий задавали рамки системы, существовавшей в графствах, во много определяя содержание избирательной борьбы. Анализ источника показывает, что в графствах исходя из распределения земельной собственности, могли быть диаметрально противоположные ситуации. Например, в одном графстве, личные отношения между местными политическими акторами могли оказать ключевое воздействие на исход выборов, если несколько избирателей имели примерно равную земельную собственность (с учетом возможности создания фиктивных голосов), в другом – никакого, если графство контролировал один собственник.

In this article the researcher examines the essence of the struggle to be elected to the UK Parliament in Scottish counties in the context of rules, processes comprising the electorial system being completely discredited. Traditionally, researchers (R. M. Sunter, J. Ferguson, A. Murdoch, W. Ferguson) concentrated their attention on the dominant role of patronage and personal relations on the outcome of elections in Scottish counties. Historians also agree that land qualification was the reason of the small number of voters and that the possibility of formal land cessions for life led to fictitious voters. However, researchers do not pay enough attention to the scale that land distribution influenced electoral struggle in different regions.

The research is based on the source «View of the political state of Scotland in the last century: a confidential report on the political opinions, family connections, or personal circumstances of the 2662 county voters in 1788». The aforementioned work contains information on all the voters and on the electoral situation in each of the counties. Based on this source the researchers determine the extent to which land distributions influenced the election process in Scottish counties. The authors come to the conclusion that the size and the number of estates created the framework of the system existing in the counties and thus largely determined the outcome of the elections. The analysis of the source reveals that depending on the land distributions counties could have completely different situations. For example, in one county personal relations between local political actors could have major influence on the outcome of the elections if several voters had more or less equal land ownership (including the possible fictitious votes), and no influence in another if the said county was controlled by a single landholder.

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The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.