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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">humanitieslaw</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Гуманитарные и юридические исследования</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Humanities and law research</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2409-1030</issn><publisher><publisher-name>North-Caucasus Federal University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.37493/2409-1030.2021.4.18</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">humanitieslaw-1108</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИСТОРИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>HISTORICAL SCIENCES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>«ЦИВИЛИЗАЦИОННОЕ ГОСУДАРСТВО» ИЛИ «НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ ГОСУДАРСТВО»: ПЕРСПЕКТИВА ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ ИРАНА</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>“CIVILIZATION STATE” OR “NATION STATE”: A PERSPECTIVE ON IRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Мусавиния</surname><given-names>С. Р.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Mousavinia</surname><given-names>S. R.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p> кандидат наук, доцент факультета права и политических исследований</p><p>Тегеран</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD in international relations, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences</p><p>Tehran </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">Seyedreza_mousavi54@yahoo.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Дарейни</surname><given-names>А. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Dareini</surname><given-names>A. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p> исследователь</p><p>Тегеран</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Researcher and writer at the journal</p><p>Tehran </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">aadareini@yahoo.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Университет имени Алламе Табатабаи</institution><country>Иран</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Allameh Tabataba’i University</institution><country>Islamic Republic of Iran</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Центр cтратегических исследований</institution><country>Иран</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Center for Strategic Studies</institution><country>Islamic Republic of Iran</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>04</day><month>02</month><year>2022</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>145</fpage><lpage>153</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Мусавиния С.Р., Дарейни А.А., 2022</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2022</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Мусавиния С.Р., Дарейни А.А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Mousavinia S.R., Dareini A.A.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://humanitieslaw.ncfu.ru/jour/article/view/1108">https://humanitieslaw.ncfu.ru/jour/article/view/1108</self-uri><abstract><p>Авторы данной статьи полагают, что изучение внешнеполитического поведения Исламской Республики Иран следует проводить скорее с использованием конструкции «цивилизационного государства» и ее правильной трактовки, нежели через призму теории «национального государства».Концепция «национального государства» предполагает международную систему, обусловленную и сформированную поведением государства. Поскольку природа международной системы определяется анархией, неореализм требует накопления власти для обеспечения выживания государства. А наступательный неореализм определяет «максимизацию власти» и «гегемонию» как конечную цель входящих в систему государств.В своей внешней политике Иран не ставит целью достижение гегемонии. Имея древнюю историю, богатую культуру и самобытную цивилизацию, Иран позиционирует себя как «цивилизационное государство», а не «национальное». В этой связи влияние выходит за пределы национального государства, и пытается охватить цивилизационный ареал и использовать культурное наследие и общность исторических судеб с народами Западной Азии, Кавказа и Центральной Азии. Иран имеет древнюю историю, богатую культуру и самобытную цивилизацию. В отличие от модели гегемонии «национального государства», «цивилизационное государство» в первую очередь уделяет внимание культурным и человеческим факторам. Речь скорее идет о потоке «мягкой силы». Авторы полагают, что такой подход способствует лучшему пониманию внешнеполитического поведения Ирана.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The authors of the present paper argue that Iran’s foreign policy behavior has to be analyzed, not through the prism of “nation state” but “civilization state” if one is seeking to get it right.Under the idea of “nation state”, the structure of the international system determines the behavior of a state. Since the nature of the international system is defined by anarchy, the neorealism mindset prescribes power accumulation to ensure survival. And offensive neorealism defines “maximization of power” and “hegemony” as the end goal of states.But the purpose of Iran’s foreign policy is not to seek hegemony. Iran has an ancient history, a rich culture and a distinct civilization. It behaves within the framework of a “civilization state”, not a “nation state”. Iran’s influence goes beyond the border of a “nation state” because of its civilizational reach, its cultural heritage, and its historical links with modern nations in Western Asia, caucasia and central Asia. contrary to the pattern of hegemony pursued by a “nation state”, a “civilization state” focuses on cultural and human factors first. It is the flow of ‘soft power’. That’s a true way to understand Iran’s foreign policy practices.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>цивилизационное государство</kwd><kwd>национальное государство</kwd><kwd>гегемония</kwd><kwd>Иран</kwd><kwd>внешняя политика</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Civilization State</kwd><kwd>Nation State</kwd><kwd>Hegemony</kwd><kwd>Iran</kwd><kwd>Foreign Policy</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Adebahr c. 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